Author : Givi Targamadze
Truth will always carve its own path, and it is the truth that will ensure the regime is brought to justice. Not only here, at the site of the crimes, but also before the international community. Consequently, accountability will take many forms—criminal, leading to imprisonment; financial, which may prove most painful for them; and moral, which, though perhaps least concerning to them, remains nonetheless essential.
Gomelauri1 must now be biting his lip in bitterness after seeing his own interview—the one in which he openly took responsibility for ordering the raids, including the decision to mix gas into the water cannons. At the time, he presented this boldness as the protective posture of a leader shielding his subordinates, and it was sold to the public as such. In reality, as always, he was shielding the true ruler, Bidzina Ivanishvili, because this order—like all the others—originated from him. Just as Chubinidze2, acting as the ‘postman’, once delivered the master’s telegram to Khareba3 on Gavrilov Night—instructing him to ignore Gakharia4, move against the crowds, and treat demonstrators as sworn enemies—the same directive was issued now. The mandate was absolute: if you possess these poison agents (and he always knows exactly who has what and where), now is the time to use them. Spray them on everyone. Show no mercy. Spray until the end. In return, you will receive financial rewards and medals of honour.
Strasbourg has already delivered its judgment on Gavrilov’s Night, confirming the crimes of torture and excessive force used to disperse demonstrations. A verdict on the crimes revealed in the BBC documentary will also come in due time. Anyone who believes they can escape accountability by scapegoating Gomelauri has missed the boat. Bidzina Ivanishvili himself has been sanctioned by the U.S. for acting in Russia’s interests, and this is only the beginning. Gomelauri has long been on the Magnitsky list, and once someone is on that list, there is no second chance for redemption.
‘This gas, I found it in the inventory; it was purchased by the Nationals (UNM),’ Gomelauri claimed. In other words, he explicitly confirmed: ‘Yes, we indeed possessed that specific chemical.’ Bravo, great job! At the very least, this stage of the investigation no longer requires proof. But did the people who originally bought it ever use it? Apparently not, otherwise, you surely would have investigated it, informed the public, and punished them for it, wouldn’t you have?
Fine. But what about the purchase itself—was it a mistake or a crime? Did you not investigate that? Wow, how did you miss it? Or perhaps you were simply tempted by the thought: ‘Let’s not stir things up now; let’s not bother with decommissioning or disposal. Let it stay here—after all, a household is like a bottomless pit; you never know when it might come in handy.’ And indeed, it ‘came in handy’ for you.
Gomelauri also made a blunder regarding instructions for use. The instructions explicitly read that the product is only permitted for use if children and pregnant women are not present. In reality, that clause is a directive against indiscriminate use. In a massive crowd, how could one possibly single out a child or identify a pregnant woman? And even pregnancy tests won’t work in the midst of a raid.
The regulations state that only specifically aggressive individuals committing a crime may be targeted individually. Even then, only standard tear gas is permitted. Not this. This agent is prohibited, meaning that under no circumstances is its use allowed. It is forbidden because it is inherently dangerous. Naturally, it does not affect everyone the same way; however, for those with underlying risk factors—of whom there are many—the impact is devastating. It does not merely inflict immediate harm; it can cause long-term, life-altering damage, leading to permanent disability or even a premature death after some time has passed.
Next, the Prime Minister admitted: ‘We were mixing gas into the water, but which one—that’s the point?’ Well, let us make a note of it: they were mixing a chemical compound named ‘That’s the point.’ If you’d like, I can offer some advice. Let’s record the program ‘Guess Who?’ It seems more in line with your particular sense of humour.
Finally, realizing they were entangled in their own lies, Georgia’s true ruler, Mr. Bidzina, relayed his will to his puppet Prime Minister on the eve of the State Security Service briefing: the talk regarding the BBC film and the mixing of gas into the water must end. As always, he did not specify how. My suspicion is that his message was: ‘Tell the people the movie is over.’ The puppet then relayed this directly to us: ‘They wanted a scandal, but the scandal failed to materialize.’ It was as if this incantation could magically erase the angry crowds and the affected people.
The following day, the Head of the State Security Service (SSS) rushed to support the narrative with a hastily patched-together, incoherent report, which only served to multiply doubts and questions. He added a blunt threat: anyone who refuses to drop the matter will be arrested. Then, the puppet Prime Minister placed the final seal on it—announcing that the investigation was closed, they would not return to it, and the topic was exhausted. In short: ‘The Master is displeased, so do not trouble him further.’ To ensure compliance, they promptly followed up with a new legislative package banning any form of protest.
This is truly a case where one wants to ask, ‘What can I say to cheer you up?’ It is highly doubtful that this package of measures will put an end to the protests or exhaust the topic. Perhaps within the confines of ‘Sakoceti’ (the Realm of Dreamers), this package of legislative measures will be able to suppress the protests, and this report will ‘exhaust’ the topic. But the world is infinitely larger than Sakoceti, and exactly 100 years ago, that same world signed the first agreement prohibiting the use of chemical weapons—and, most importantly, prohibiting their use under any circumstances.
It is clear that with every subsequent decision, Mr. Bidzina attempts to push us as far back as possible—by ten years with some decisions, by thirty or a hundred with others. Ultimately, he wishes to push us back to the era of Zezva and Mzia, where, based on primitive anthropological traits, he would have the greatest chance of becoming the leader of the tribe. Fortunately, however, this is merely his dream; its realization in the real world is simply not destined to happen.
As for the investigation, it is far from exhausted; in fact, it is only just beginning. It will undoubtedly gain momentum and inevitably reach its conclusion: the full accountability of Mr. Bidzina and his puppets.
They probably don’t even know that at the end of the last century, through the joint efforts of several honest judges, prosecutors, customs officers, and agents from around the world linked together South America, the coastal islands of the Caribbean, Switzerland, Sicily, and Europe as a whole, the largest bank in third countries, and its Pakistani owner to expose the most complex transnational criminal scheme of the global mafia.
This investigation was based on years of meticulous tracking of just one piece of evidence: money transfer receipts. The slogan of the investigation was ‘Follow the money’. This was a principle championed by Giovanni Falcone, the man who sacrificed his life for this cause, yet ultimately triumphed.
Since then, the world and honest investigators have moved far ahead, while you Dreamers continue to operate from within the mindset of the Soviet Union. In this clash, your chances are zero. Just as you realized there was no point in denying the procurement document, you will slowly come to grasp that you cannot erase your tracks—and eventually, you will realize that in every possible scenario, you will be held accountable.
The gas incident naturally evoked memories of April 9th5 in everyone. Yet there is a stark difference compared to last year’s events: back then, the militiamen of Soviet Georgia did everything in their power to help citizens face the violence of the invaders. Today’s militiamen, however, have become the invaders themselves.
It is hardly surprising, given that Mr. Bidzina rose to his current status with the help of one of the central figures of those very invaders. Back then, the gas-sprayers were executing the orders of General Lebed. Years later, Ivanishvili financed Lebed’s election campaign. In return, after Lebed became the governor of half of Siberia, Ivanishvili was rewarded with one of the region’s massive aluminium mining and processing plants—effectively for free.
Later, during Putin’s era, as one of the ‘inner circle’, he was allowed to sell this asset at its real value—three billion dollars—and thus became an oligarch. In fact, from his grave, the dead Lebed sent us a punishment far crueller than the ‘Cheremukha‘ gas or the double-edged shovels of the past: he sent us his cannibals, his blood-stained money, and his new gases.
Back then, even the Soviet government Health Minister Irakli Menagharishvili and the entire medical community earned the respect and love of the people. And today? The current Health Minister holds this office only because no one else wanted it (they apparently had a bad premonition); his only qualification is that his mother is a doctor. He never took the Hippocratic Oath; he is a lawyer. However, he did take the lawyer’s oath, which implies a clear civic stance. In this position, he is a public official hired by the people—not Bidzina’s personal attorney, as he positions himself currently.
And yet, if you were to ask him about his time as a lawyer, he would boast of defending the victims of the regime, the former, ‘bloody nine-year-old regime’ that is. What has made him so thick-skinned now? Money? Power? Both? Evidently, it is both, and this, too, shall be recorded. His current stance is both shameful and loathsome. Could he have been a hero? Theoretically, yes. Practically, not at all—for he is a ‘small man’ and such individuals never cross the threshold of heroism.
I won’t even talk about those ‘doctors’ who rushed out in a frenzy, screaming that they would accept no arguments while justifying the violence. Saddam had his court physicians, as did Assad. Soviet governments had them in abundance. Only one thing is required in their regard: the medical community must not shy away from calling them by their true name—Regime Doctors—and introducing them as such to everyone, both at home and abroad. They should not be invited to any international conferences or other events. Should they happen to appear, those sitting beside them should stand up, walk away, and point them out as professional lepers. There should be no hesitation in exposing them; they fully deserve to carry the stench of Rustaveli Avenue, reeking of toxic gas, for the rest of their lives.
In short, everything is clear about them, and, as I said, there is no point in dwelling on them for too long. Much more anger and resentment is caused by those who remain silent, hiding in the shadows, lying low. As long as their personal well-being is not threatened, they will gladly spend their ‘gas-poisoned’ money on their families. In private conversations with protesters, they feign muffled indignation at the government’s violence; with the ‘Dreamers,’ they more boldly criticize the ‘arrogance’ of the demonstrators. They strive to maintain their professional ethics, responsibility, and status as healers—and likely, they will. They know their decent colleagues will find it difficult to reproach them, precisely because of that very decency. However, this will not last forever; there will always be those who will drag them out of their comfort zones.
I have one question for you, Ms. and Mr. silent doctors, toxicologists, and chemists: who is your ideal? Is it that creature on television who said, ‘The most important thing for me is to be well-fed’? You clearly present yourselves as important figures, yet you are no different from that creature. Not in the slightest. Do not be surprised when my words confront you at every turn. You may smirk now and wonder, ‘What can you possibly do?’ You shall see. You will definitely see that.
This is the reality we live in now, where Elisashvili , who merely poured gasoline in an empty building at dawn, is confined in a maximum-security prison on terrorism charges. Meanwhile, the recidivist terrorist remains in a less strict environment, just a few steps below those who refuse to appear before your ‘illegitimate’ commission. It is a state of total confusion, but in the end, everything will be sorted out and clarified. Every act will be called by its true name, and everyone will be held accountable according to the gravity of their crimes.
1. Vakhtang Gomelauri (b. 1975): Georgia’s Minister of Internal Affairs and former head of Bidzina Ivanishvili’s personal security. Within the ‘Shadow Vertical’ of the state, he serves as the formal executor who publicly absorbs legal responsibility for repressive orders.
2. Anzor Chubinidze (b. 1972): Head of the Special State Protection Service (SSPS) and former chief of Ivanishvili’s personal security. He represents the ‘Postman‘—the informal courier who bypasses official state channels to deliver the ‘Master’s’ directives. His role is pivotal in maintaining a shadow command loop that undermines the formal hierarchy of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
3. Zviad ‘Khareba‘ Kharazishvili: Former Commander of the Special Task Department. Known as the ‘Executioner’, he is the primary instrument of physical force used to suppress demonstrations
4. Giorgi Gakharia (b. 1975): Former Prime Minister (2019–2021) and Minister of Internal Affairs during the Gavrilov Night of 2019.
5. On April 9, 1989, Soviet special forces violently dispersed a peaceful pro-independence rally in Tbilisi, Georgia. The operation involved the use of toxic agents (CN and CS gas) and sharpened shovels, resulting in 21 deaths and hundreds of injuries.
